The Gilded Age Plains City

The Great Sheedy Murder Trial and the Booster Ethos of Lincoln, Nebraska


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Interpretation and Narrative

The Booster Ethos

Urban growth does not just happen. A number of individuals have to step forward to provide political and social leadership to formulate an economic strategy that will foster both economic growth and development. Such leaders must create a framework of discussion and policy formation by establishing a realm or organization at which interested parties can discuss public policy.

Though anyone who was willing to subsume his or her self-interest for the broader "public" economic "good" of the town, and support general town efforts to foster economic growth, could be considered a "booster," those we most often pay attention to held public office, formed and joined formal booster institutions, and acted in the public realm called the "booster ethos."

Some of the founders of Lincoln, Nebraska, had had experience as town developers in Illinois, eastern Iowa, Missouri, and eastern Nebraska before arriving in the late 1860s. Upon arrival they began meeting and thus established a "booster ethos" that worked through two institutions and city government to formulate a town economic strategy.

In downtown Lincoln, the chief institutional venues of the booster ethos through the mid 1890s were the Board of Trade, the Union Club, the Round Table Club, and several fraternal organizations. Later they were joined by the Lincoln Commercial Club and the Chamber of Commerce. These various club rooms and meeting places of the Lincoln boosters formed—as noted by Hamlin Garland in a novel of the same name, the "Third House"—the realm of civically interested citizens who sought to influence government activity and policy.

Intertwined with this realm were, of course, all the newspaper offices, taverns, hotel lobbies, eateries, and barber shops that surrounded Government Square and extended east on P and O streets. Here boosters discussed the issues of the day, and in more formal meetings, articulated and sought to carry out town economic policy.

In short, wherever men met formally or informally to discuss such activities could be considered spatially part of the "booster ethos." John Sheedy, John Fitzgerald, James Malone, Genio Lambertson and many others played a role in this realm.

Originally, the booster ethos existed for the purpose of bringing disparate groups together to engage in nonpartisan discussion that would unite them behind some common purpose or strategy. As reformers and traditional boosters began to diverge in their goals and tactics, however, and other boosters encouraged an anti-railroad agenda in the Chamber of Commerce and Board of Trade, fissures began to undermine whatever fragile unity the men of the booster ethos had achieved in the widespread 1880s boom.

Lincoln, like so many Gilded Age cities, became a field of conflict among various subcultures struggling for either control or at least a say in public affairs. These tensions were rooted in deepening concerns that the prevailing class, gender, and racial systems were eroding in the face of new attitudes about gender and race. For many who had invested in Lincoln, the stakes—the social order and the future economic growth and development of Lincoln—were high.

Board of Trade and Commercial Club

As early as 1870, a small number of young merchants, businessmen, newspaper men, railroad men, bankers, lawyers, bureaucrats, and even a professor or two met informally to promote town interests. John Sheedy was one of these men.

In July of 1874, they founded the Lincoln Board of Trade in order "to promote and facilitate commercial and manufacturing interests" in Lincoln; it remained the core of the booster ethos until 1891.

Charles H. Gere served as its first president and as a regent of the University of Nebraska and editor of the Daily State Nebraskan. He often called meetings in the University's Temple Hall. By the mid-1880s the group maintained a membership of around two hundred. Andrew J. Sawyer, Carlos C. Burr, and I. M. and A. S. Raymond were among the members.

Later the Board of Trade met at various times in the newest, most prominent structures in downtown, ranging from the Old Schoolhouse, the Walsh building, and the Commercial Hotel in the 1870s and early 1880s, to the Capital Hotel (which replaced the Commercial Hotel), the District Court Rooms (where the Sheedy trial took place), and the Lincoln Hotel, (built in 1891) in the 1890s.

In the 1880s the group rented rooms for meetings in the Richards Block at 1104 O Street. The Board of Trade constituted the core of the "old boys" power network which, through patronage, influence, and persuasion, pursued its local goals and ran the town. It seems to have suspended operations, however, around 1892.

In the mid 1890s, each of the key booster organizations in town—Board of Trade, the Union Club, the Round Table, and the Law and Order League—were hit by declining memberships. A group of boosters from the stagnant Board of Trade, Union Club, Round Table Club, and the Law and Order League formed the Lincoln Commercial Club.

As hard times continued, they all decided to pool their resources and in 1897 merged into the Union Commercial Club, which they later renamed the Lincoln Commercial Club. Later, after meeting in various places around downtown, the Lincoln Commercial Club decided to end its migrations in 1913 by building an elaborate club house on the northeast corner of Eleventh and P streets, across the street from the Capital Hotel.

The new club rooms were a more grandiose version of most club rooms. Every member was given a special key or screened by a door man. Members had access to "a large pool room with four billiard tables and four pool tables (all purchased in Chicago) [and] surrounded by ten cuspidors." There was also a "card room, a reading room with a library of reference books, dictionaries, and newspapers, as well as a dining room." The Chamber of Commerce, formed about the same time, also located in the building.

Burr, Carlos C. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Sawyer, Andrew J. [Brief Biography]
Sheedy, John [Narrative] [Brief Biography]

The Union Club

In July 1879, some members of the Board of Trade elite—mostly lawyers, businessmen, and professionals—founded the Union Club. It was primarily a "social club" that "promote[d] the sociability, instruction, entertainment, and amusement" of its only thirty-five members. As a result, it soon acquired the exclusive "reputation as the leading social institution" of the city.

As Lincoln grew, applicants for the club increased, resulting in the rejection of more applicants. Members responded by increasing the number of members to 50 in 1881, 75 in 1882, 100 in about 1888, and over 125 in 1892.

As membership grew, the club rooms also expanded, moving in 1881 from small rooms in a building around Tenth and O streets to the Academy of Music building owned by Walsh and Putnam on the southwest corner of Eleventh and O streets. Numerous photos remain of the Academy of Music building.

In December 1888, the organization again moved into rooms on the third floor of Zehring's Block at 141 South Twelfth Street on the corner of Twelfth and O streets. Among the members who were involved in the Sheedy case, directly and indirectly, and who must have discussed the case in club rooms, were Carlos C. Burr, Joel Deweese, Elmer S. Dudley, Robert B. Graham, Robert E. Moore, Charles Whedon, Frank Hall, Genio M. Lambertson, William J. Bryan, Lionel C. Burr, and Allen W. Field. Although C. G. Dawes is not mentioned in the minute books for the club, he does mention going there in his diary.

Bryan, William Jennings [Brief Biography]
Burr, Carlos C. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Burr, Lionel C. [Brief Biography]
Dawes, Charles Gates [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Deweese, Joel W. [Brief Biography]
Field, Allen W. [Brief Biography]
Graham, Robert B. [Brief Biography]
Hall, Frank M. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Lambertson, Genio M. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Moore, Robert Emmett [Brief Biography]
Whedon, Charles O. [Brief Biography]

The Round Table Club

An even smaller group within the Union Club, along with some others, would pare off and form the Round Table Club. Though primarily a literary club, founded by William Jennings Bryan and his law partner Adolphus Talbot, and including, in the 1880s, such men as Andrew J. Sawyer, Charles Gates Dawes, and John J. Pershing, the club provided yet further opportunity for Lincoln's leaders to debate the current political, legal, and business issues in a nonpartisan fashion and then seek to influence town's economic strategy.

Meetings, which early on met at members' residences, tended to focus on the minutiae of club management; however, they also sponsored lectures, discussion groups on issues pertaining both to the times and to Lincoln, which, at Frank Hall's suggestion, were held after an elaborate, purely social, dinner.

Bryan, William Jennings [Brief Biography]
Dawes, Charles Gates [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Hall, Frank M. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Sawyer, Andrew J. [Brief Biography]

Fraternal Organizations and Clubs

The members of the booster ethos at any time were intertwined and drawn together as an elite group by membership in a myriad of fraternal lodges, clubs, and associations. The Masonic Lodge, the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, the Knights of Pythias, the Irish National League, and Grand Army of the Republic were the most prominent associations in Lincoln. Most of these clubs had club houses or offices on the Government Square or just off it.

In 1891 the Knights of Pythias Hall was also located on the upper floors of the State Block near the southeast corner of the square. The Masons met above the First National Bank on the corner of Tenth and O streets. Across the way, at 109–113 North Ninth Street, the Irish National League had its offices, while maintaining a public hall for events on the east side of square in a building at 120 Tenth Street. The Independent Order of Odd Fellows ventured a few blocks south when they built an elaborate club house at 344 South Eleventh Street. Odd Fellows Hall was located on the third floor of the building.

What societies did not have special rooms often met in Tunis P. Quick's saloon at 146 North Tenth Street. The saloon was, for a long time, the "quasi official headquarters of many fraternal orders" and a meeting place of a "select patronage" of town boosters, businessmen, club men, workers, gamblers and other men from the demimonde. (WPA, Guide, p. 23) As noted above, other clubs often met in the Capital Hotel, the Windsor Hotel, the Lindell Hotel, and after its January 1890 opening, the Lincoln Hotel.

Quick, Tunis P. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]

Reform Organizations

The Citizens' Law and Order League of Lincoln was established in 1885. The League maintained an office above the State National Bank at 109 South Tenth Street. The League also occasionally met at the Young Men's Christian Association on the southwest corner of South Thirteenth and N streets and in the chapel at the State University.

In November 1885, after numerous attempts to suppress illegal liquor sales, gambling, and prostitution, members of Lincoln's reformist middle (and upper) class from a variety of these groups met at the Commercial Hotel to form a Law and Order League; their goal was to reduce crime and poverty by reducing the number of saloons and eliminating brothels and gambling halls. The Law and Order League employed police officers who worked with the police force to assist in the enforcement of these laws that normal officers would not or could not uphold. The League also employed attorneys to prosecute offenders and maintained a law office above the State National Bank at 109 South Tenth Street.

A History of Booster Strategy or How John Sheedy Became a "Marked Man."

Collectively the members of the clubs and associations of the booster ethos invested and speculated in real estate, opened businesses and professional offices, and built office blocks, hotels, and places of entertainment. They were also active in city government as mayors, city councilmen, sheriffs, justices, and judges.

The emergence of the "booster ethos" was first evident in the efforts of town founders to draw a railroad to the site in 1869 and their success in July of 1870 of bringing in the Burlington and Missouri River Railroad.

After establishing its role in the rail system, the boosters turned their attention to making Lincoln a modern city. They petitioned the city council to grade streets, build cisterns and drainage systems, install streetlights, establish a night watch, and regulate traffic. In time they worked to replace these rudimentary improvements with modern water and sewage systems, paved streets, electricity, improved police and fire protection, a uniform system of addresses, streetcar service, public schools, and hospitals.

To finance improvements, boosters campaigned for bond issues, higher city debt, and higher taxes. Annual budgets grew, hired experts and bureaucrats replaced patronage politicians, and Lincoln, it seemed, was on schedule to become a burgeoning, modern metropolis.

In the 1880s, the city's economy continued to grow, but no manufacturing base developed. Boosters, apparently failing to understand that the city's location relative to regional and national markets, not a lack of entrepreneurial activity, was responsible for the dearth of manufacturing, and proposed initiatives to attract manufacturers.

When development grants, stipends, subsidies, and tax abatement schemes failed, some boosters shifted their attention to railroad rates, launching investigations and filing lawsuits—against the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy in particular—and supported the formation of a State Transportation Board. But Lincoln had been a "Burlington town" since 1870, and many manufacturers, merchants, and professionals were dependent on the CB&Q for their livelihoods. Thus the new "bite the hand that feeds you" mentality opened a fissure in the unified booster ethos that had prevailed for fifteen years.

The attack on the railroads marked a shift in perspective among some members of the business and political community as they began to approach Lincoln's economic frustrations by focusing on correcting perceived failures rather than on using government to stimulate local development through traditional means. The result was a factionalizing of city politics and the emergence of two groups with conflicting strategies for promoting development.

One group of relatively traditional boosters sought to maintain a tolerant, wide-open economy and urban commercial culture using city government to stimulate development through economic incentives and rewards. They remained untroubled by the customary influence peddling and patronage systems that supported certain developers and tolerated the mild lawlessness of the P Street saloon-and-gambling-hall subculture.

In opposition were the reform boosters—merchants, lawyers, clergymen and other professionals who launched sporadic attacks against the disorderly, primarily male, subculture with its social evils of alcohol, gambling, and prostitution that had accompanied development in most railroad towns and other new cities across the West in the 1870s.

As unity in the commercial and political community eroded, the two factions became involved in a political struggle that, because of the small size of the young city, became hopelessly intertwined and corrupted. Policy development was thwarted, and Lincoln was left ill-prepared to respond to more serious economic and social challenges of the next decade.

The Forces of Reform Organize

With the formation of a Prohibition Party in 1880, the reform movement became organized. Moving beyond simple demonstrations against saloons, they launched a series of regular temperance meetings and formed a Red Ribbon Club that quickly gained 2,000 members. [1] In doing so, they gained support for their political campaign to increase saloon license fees, renewing an effort first undertaken in 1877 by Mayor Harvey Wesley Hardy.

In 1880 the Prohibition Party ran a slate of reform candidates for local offices. Significantly, following the lead of reformers in other western towns (but preceding those in nearby Omaha by twenty years) they organized a quasi-vigilante political action organization called The Law and Order League. [2]

In 1883, reform lawyer and former police judge Robert E. Moore was elected mayor and launched a campaign to reform laws controlling liquor sales, especially from bars and taverns along O and P streets in the Uptown district. Moore and the Law and Order League were challenged by traditional boosters who argued that a more open city was better for business and downtown development.

In 1885, Carlos C. Burr, a real estate developer, lawyer, and commercial booster, ran as the Republican candidate in a three-way race for mayor against Democrat reform booster John Fitzgerald, and former mayor Hardy of the Prohibition Party. These first salvos in the struggle between reform and commercial booster strategies triggered a series of events that, by 1892, fragmented the boosters and exposed the degree to which corruption had compromised and blurred their differences.

1. A. T. Andreas, History of the State of Nebraska (Chicago: Western Historical Company, 1882), 213; William C. Pratt, "The Omaha Businessmen's Association and the Open Shop, 1903–1909," Nebraska History 70 (Winter 1989), 172–183; "Law and Order League" Journal, John Henry Hauberg Papers, Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois. [Back to Reference]

2. Daily State Journal, June 27, 1885, June 3, 1887, Jan. 12, 1891; Lincoln Daily News, Aug. 6–10, 29, 1887. [Back to Reference]

The Mayoral Election of 1885

The mayoral campaign of 1885 was a confrontation between reform and the status quo. Burr defeated reform Democrat Fitzgerald by only thirty votes, with Prohibition candidate Hardy a distant third. Fitzgerald filed a protest with the city council and instructed his lawyers, C. O. Whedon, Novia Z. Snell, and Andrew J. Sawyer, all ardent reformers and Law and Order League members (Sawyer was president) to protest the council's planned meeting to ratify the vote the following evening. Reform council members supported the objection, but the council met and affirmed Burr's victory. Reformers were convinced Burr had stolen the election.

Mayor Burr focused his attention on urgent infrastructure needs, however, and Law and Order League council members were able to pursue their reform agenda. In November 1885, they reorganized the police department and established a new police code increasing enforcement in the vice district through a system of beat officers who were prohibited from entering taverns, saloons, and gambling places and from accepting drinks and cigars, apparently a common practice previously.

The new code also made the acceptance "of any fee, reward, or gift from any person arrested or from any person in his custody" immediate grounds for dismissal from the force, gave police nightsticks and firearms, and required them to obtain a search warrant before entering a place where they suspected illegal activity was occurring. The new code, in short, reduced influence by replacing personal interaction between the police and business operators with professional rules and procedures. [3]

3. Daily State Journal, Apr. 7, 10, 11, Nov. 9, 1885; City Council Proceedings, New Police Regulations, Nov. 9, 1885, City Records, RG0301, NSHS. [Back to Reference]

The Law and Order League Takes Action

Harrison D. Littlefield, a self-styled "law and order policeman" began walking his beat on P Street on December 1, 1885. He observed that Sheedy's establishment above Quick's saloon was crowded at all hours by a clientele that included Mayor Burr and prominent members of the town elite, who were drinking, smoking, playing "stud horse" poker, roulette, and faro, and consorting with prostitutes.

Quick's saloon, "one of the finest liquor and billiard establishments in the city," had long been a focal point for reformers. The Ladies' Temperance Society had demonstrated in front of Quick's in February 1874, and the next evening a group of saloon patrons retaliated, in the tradition of urban male subcultures that cultivated sarcastic and ironic behavior to vent social tensions, by dressing in women's clothing and carrying out mock raids on Quick's and nearby saloons. [4]

In the early 1880s, the Law and Order League had twice tried to close the place, but both cases were dismissed. Early in 1885, with the cooperation of the police, the league initiated a "sweep" of the vice district and several operators, including Sheedy, were arrested, but he evaded prosecution.

In November, the police received complaints about Sheedy's casino, but the plaintiffs changed their story and "refused to give testimony of value," and no charges were filed. In early 1886, however, after a month of surveillance, League President Sawyer, the league's lawyer, Frank Lewis, and Officer Littlefield were ready to take the battle against corruption and vice to another level. [5]

On January 20, Littlefield filed a complaint in the county court of Judge Charles M. Parker charging Sheedy, August Sanders, and others with operating an illegal gaming establishment. Search and arrest warrants were issued, and the police raided Sheedy's establishment. Saunders was arrested, but Sheedy again evaded arrest—this time because he was at home recuperating from a stab wound inflicted in a late-night altercation on P Street by Jay Patterson, another gambler.

Released on bail, Saunders retaliated by suing the Law and Order League for illegal entry. Judge Parker, unlike many judges across the Midwest who took a dim view of the quasi-vigilante activities of groups like the league, threw out the suit and summoned Saunders to appear on the gambling charge. When Saunders failed to appear, Parker declared him in contempt of court and issued a warrant for his arrest. Meanwhile, the case against Sheedy and Saunders was sent to District Court. [6]

In response to the Law and Order League's success in court, Mayor Burr and council members who opposed the league's activities supported Judge Parker's opponent in the April election. Their candidate, Albert Parsons, was elected.

Parsons, a lawyer who had spent much of the previous four months representing defendants in cases brought against them by the league, did what he was expected to do: He threw vice cases out of court, allowed Sheedy to reopen his casino, and resumed the monthly collection of "fines" from gambling and prostitution establishments. In fact, in order to avoid reporting funds received to the city clerk, Parsons went door to door to collect the cash. Most proprietors cooperated; it was just good business to reduce the risk that one would be "pulled" in a police raid.

By fall 1886, Judge Parsons was ignoring most liquor and vice arrests, including two more of John Sheedy. In frustration, the Law and Order League targeted other saloon keepers, gamblers, and madams, in particular, Myrtle Stewart and Ann(a) Tripp. The city council passed stricter liquor laws and an ordinance against the "desecration of the Sabbath," hoping to trigger more prosecutions. Significantly, police officers identified with the Law and Order League grew more aggressive physically. The league's legal defense of a police officer sued for assault by a citizen suggests that the league and the reformers were beginning to believe that physical force could be useful in establishing social order. [7]

In April 1887, perhaps encouraged by a growing national Law and Order League urban reform movement, Lincoln voters elected a new mayor, Andrew J. Sawyer, who had been president of the Lincoln Law and Order League since 1885, and a new reform council. Sawyer increased police vice raids and, through closer scrutiny of the police court, pressured Judge Parsons to follow through with the prosecution of vice cases. Sheedy and Saunders continued to pressure Parsons to thwart police efforts and dismiss cases, and they continued to pay him "fines."

In May 1887, Tunis Quick died suddenly and, though it is unclear exactly how events are related, only a little more than a month later, on June 21, Sheedy and Sanders were arrested "for unlawfully keeping in rooms located in the second story of Quick's saloon…certain gaming apparatus and devices…for the purpose of playing games of chance."

Apparently Quick's considerable influence had protected Sheedy from prosecution. Two days later, Sheedy and Saunders were fined in police court by Judge Parsons. They appealed in District Court, but lost. It was apparent that Parsons was no longer able to stand up to the Law and Order League and was, indeed, cheating Sheedy by accepting protection money from him. Sheedy and Saunders "said nothing in response" to the charges, but soon tried to replace their former associate with a more "effective" police judge. [8] (State vs John Sheedy et al) (State vs John Sheedy et al) (State vs John Sheedy et al)

Neither John Sheedy, Saunders, nor fellow gambler A. J. Hyatt could have predicted the course of events that would result from their cynical appearance before the city council on August 1, 1887, to file a "citizens" petition presented by their lawyer, Jesse C. Strode, charging Police Judge Parsons with blackmail and embezzlement. Parsons, they charged, assessed "fines" against gamblers and pimps, then kept the money for himself.

Rather than questioning Sheedy and Saunder's motives, Law and Order League council members saw an opportunity to pursue their own goals and formed a committee to investigate the charges. On September 19, the committee delivered its report: Parsons had accepted money, later estimated at $1,430, from Saunders, Sheedy, and other gamblers, as well as "others"—i.e. operators of houses of prostitution.

Parsons, through his lawyers, L. C. Burr (Carlos Burr's brother) and D. G. Courtnay, charged that the petition was brought forward "to maintain the rule of bad characters in this city," called the evidence fraudulent, and questioned the council's authority to remove him from office. The committee agreed to give Parsons a public hearing in early October. [9]

Anticipating the worst, however, Parsons sought to block the process. The day before he was scheduled to appear, his lawyer argued before Federal District Judge David J. Brewer in St. Louis that his client's right of due process had been violated by a "conspiracy" of gamblers and reformers in the city council who wanted to remove him from office. Brewer issued an injunction forbidding the mayor and council "to remove Parsons or take any further evidence, or vote upon the question of guilt."

Furious at this infringement on "home rule," Mayor Sawyer and the council met anyway, tried Parsons "in absentia," found him guilty of "malfeasance in office," declared the office vacant, and appointed a new police judge, Republican lawyer H. J. Whitmore. On November 17, Judge Brewer declared the mayor and city council in contempt of court, levied a fine, and ordered the federal marshal to arrest them and bring them before him in Omaha on November 21. [10]

The mayor and council transformed their arrest appearance before Judges Brewer and Elmer S. Dundy, and six-day incarceration in an apartment in the Douglas County jail into a mythic struggle against unbridled power. With self-consciously theatrical rhetoric and behavior, they portrayed themselves as a "band of brothers" comparable to the Irish rebels, defending home rule against federal power—a pervasive concern in the political culture of 1880s.

When the council's lawyer, Genio Lambertson, rushed to Washington, D. C., to appeal the case before the United States Supreme Court, it received national attention, including that of President Grover Cleveland. The Supreme Court's decision a month later declared that Brewer had overstepped his jurisdiction—a great victory for the mayor and council. Briefly, Lincoln was in the national spotlight. At home, the drama coalesced various reform factions into a united front against a common foe, the triumph of the mayor and council actually strengthening the reform party. [11]

In response the city council soon launched a reinvigorated police campaign. Although it is not entirely clear how events are related, John Sheedy did not benefit from his complaint against Judge Parsons. His "gambling hell" remained closed for months, and when it reopened, he faced continual harassment by two aggressive, new "law and order" policemen, James Malone, who joined the force in 1887, and Samuel Melick, who was Lancaster County sheriff from 1884 through 1890 and Lincoln police chief from 1890 through 1895.

The fact that Malone was twice arrested for assault in 1887 and Melick was arrested for assault several times between 1886 and 1890 indicates that they meant business, even if they crossed the line to violence. [12] More importantly, by 1890 John Sheedy had, to many boosters, become something of a "marked man.

4. Daily State Journal, Jan. 21, 1886; Ruth M. Dodge, "A History of the Municipal Organization of Lincoln, 1867–1887" (M.A. Thesis, University of Nebraska, 1934), 134; Lincoln City Guide, 23–25; Timothy R. Mahoney, "A Common Band of Brotherhood; Male Subcultures, the Booster Ethos, and the Origins of Urban Social Order in the Midwest of the 1840s," Journal of Urban History 25 (Summer 1999): 619–46; Andreas, History of the State of Nebraska, "T. P. Quick," 1077. [Back to Reference]

5. State of Nebraska v. John Sheedy, Mar. 22, 1884, Lancaster County District Court and State of Nebraska v. various defendants, Mar. 13, 1885, both General Index, Lancaster County District Court, RG0207, NSHS; Daily State Journal, June 20, 1885. [Back to Reference]

6. Daily State Journal, Jan. 15, 17, 19, 21, 27, 1886. [Back to Reference]

7. Ibid., Feb. 26, 5, 3, 2, 1886: State of Nebraska v. Ann Tripp, Mar. 24, Nov. 19, 1886, General Index, Lancaster County District Court, RG0207, NSHS; Police Judge's Docket, Albert F. Parsons, 1886, and City Council Proceedings, Mar. 18, May 17, June 1, 1886, both RG0301, NSHS. [Back to Reference]

8. Daily State Journal, May 12, 1887; State of Nebraska v. John Sheedy, A. Saunders, et. al. June 23, 1887, Lancaster County District Court, Complete Record, Volume D, RG, RG0207, NSHS. [Back to Reference]

9. Daily State Journal, Aug. 2, 5, 10, 11, Sept. 20, 1887; Lincoln Daily News, Aug. 2, 6, 9, 10, 29, Sept. 20, 1887. [Back to Reference]

10. City Council Proceedings, Aug.–Dec. 1887, RG0301, NSHS. [Back to Reference]

11. Sawyer, In re, U. S. Neb. 1888, 8 S. Ct. 482, 124 U. S. 200; Scrapbook, Andrew J. Sawyer Papers, RG; NSHS; Andrew J. Sawyer, "History of the Incarceration of the Lincoln City Council," Proceedings and Collections of the Nebraska State Historical Society, 10 (1902): 105–37; Daily State Journal, Sept.-Nov., 1887; Lincoln Daily News, Sept.–Nov. 1887. [Back to Reference]

12. Obituary, James Malone, Lincoln Star, Dec. 11, 1918; Obituary, Samuel Melick, Lincoln Star, Jan. 22, 1923. [Back to Reference]

Brewer, David J. [Brief Biography]
Burr, Carlos C. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Burr, Lionel C. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Cleveland, Grover [Brief Biography]
Courtnay, Dominick G. [Brief Biography]
Dundy, Elmer S. [Brief Biography]
Fitzgerald, John [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Hardy, Harvey Wesley [Brief Biography]
Hyatt, Albert J. [Brief Biography]
Lambertson, Genio M. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Lewis, Frank W. [Brief Biography]
Littlefield, Harrison D. [Brief Biography]
Malone, James [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Melick, Samuel M. [Brief Biography]
Moore, Robert Emmett [Brief Biography]
Parker, Charles M. [Brief Biography]
Patterson, Jay [Brief Biography]
Quick, Tunis P. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Sanders, August (Gus) [Brief Biography]
Sawyer, Andrew J. [Brief Biography]
Snell, Novia Z. [Brief Biography]
Strode, Jesse B. [Narrative] [Brief Biography]
Whedon, Charles O. [Brief Biography]
Whitmore, Howard James [Brief Biography]

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